Sunday, March 31, 2013

Fascinating Easter Show on Robert Mugabe - Zimbabwe

W.E. A.L.L. B.E. Radio: "The Truth About Mugabe: Villain or Hero???"
 W.E. A.L.L. B.E. Radio: Resurrecting Black Radio one podcast at a time!!!

Date: Sunday March 31, 2013
4pm Eastern/3pm Central/1pm Pacific
 This is a 2 hour show/discussion

Listen Live!!!

Call-In & Participate!!!

Featured Guests...
1.)  Filmmaker Extraordinaire Bro. Roy Agyemang
Bro. Roy Agyemang (left) and Bro. Ron aka r2c2h2 tha artivist

2.) You!!!
The call in Phone Number: (646) 652-4593

**The show will be archived and available for listens/downloads 24/7 after live airing @ same link...**


Mugabe: Villain or Hero?

Filmmaker Roy Agyemang is granted unprecedented access to President Robert Mugabe and provocatively questions whether the Zimbabwean leader is the demon that the western media portrays.

Awarded the ‘Special Recognition Jury Award’ at the Pan African Film Festival

At 89 years of age, Robert Mugabe is the second oldest head of State. He is one of the worlds longest-serving yet most reviled leaders. He has ruled Zimbabwe since Independence 1980.

In June 2013 Mugabe will contest what many people consider his last election.

Is there more to Robert Mugabe and Zimbabwe than is being shown on our television screens? What’s the true extent of Mugabe’s support inside Zimbabwe? What has happened to the country that they all called the bread basket of Africa – and why?

These questions and more led British born Ghanaian filmmaker, Roy Agyemang, on a journey to Zimbabwe to make a documentary about President Robert Mugabe. What started out as a three-month mission turned into three life-changing years, culminating in unprecedented access and a rare interview with the controversial leader.

Filmed between 2007 and 2010, Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is an epic personal journey, narrated by Roy Agyemang who, together with his UK-based Zimbabwean fixer, Garikayi Mushambadope, found themselves in Mugabe’s entourage, on Colonel Gaddafi’s private jet and around a host of prominent African leaders.

At a time when western media was banned in the country, Agyemang and Mushambadope worked their way through the corridors of power, probing the cultural, economical and historical factors at the heart of the “Zimbabwean crisis”.

In his directorial debut Roy Agyemang draws on a wealth of news footage, including Bob Marley’s historic appearance at Independence celebrations in 1980. Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is a highly accessible, personal and often amusing film in which Agyemang explores the relationship between African leaders and the West, in the fight for African minerals and land. In contrast to the usual picture of the dictator we are used to seeing on our television screens amidst scenes of violence, Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is a revealing portrait of the man who was knighted by John Major and honoured with doctorates by the west.

 For more information on film please visit the official website:


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Friday, March 29, 2013

50th Anniversary of JFK Assassination: Author of The Plan: A Novel Speaks Out On Assassination Conspiracies, Oswald, Eastland, Banister

"On the assassination of John F. Kennedy? The American media failed us. They were compromised, frightened, incompetent, greedy (pick one or all) and still fight to keep us from learning the truth -- because they screwed up. Check out what journalists around the world have reported over the years. Only American journalists keep pumping up the Oswald lone nut story. I think they've simply given up on digging up the facts and telling the story. Citizens will find truth when listening to people like Mark Lane. ('Anyone who believes the Warren Commission, hasn't read the report.' Mark Lane, attorney  and my hero)." Susan Klopfer, author (The Plan: A Novel. Set for release: May 2013)

By Susan Klopfer
Author, The Plan

On Friday November 22, 1963, news bulletins hit the airwaves as rifle shots interrupted President John F. Kennedy's Dallas motorcade. While conspiracy theorists and others have kept the debate alive over what happened fifty years ago, who was involved, and why, no one ever mentions Mississippi's links.

As a journalist and writer, I became even more intrigued with the JFK assassination when coming across information linking a Mississippi icon to several people often associated with the tragic event.

Seven years before JFK was assassinated, the magnolia state's Sen. James O. Eastland met for the first time with Guy Banister, a controversial CIA operative and retired FBI agent in charge of the Chicago bureau.

"Banister was later linked to Lee Harvey Oswald and Mississippi's senator through involvement with Eastland's Senate Internal Security Subcommittee or SISS (sometimes called "SISSY").

I bumped into this strange fact when doing research for my books  Where Rebels Roost, Mississippi Civil Rights Revisited, Who Killed Emmett Till? and  The Emmett Till Book.

Mississippi and JFK’s assassination?

The "New Orleans Times-Picayune" on March 23, 1956, reported that Robert Morrison, a former chief counsel for Sen. Joseph McCarthy's House Unamerican Activities Committee or HUAC, and Banister traveled to Greenwood, Mississippi, to confer personally with Senator Eastland for more than three hours.

Describing the conference as "completely satisfactory," Morrison told the reporter that "Mr. Banister has complete liaison with the committee's staff which was the main object of our trip."

Apparently cozying up to Eastland and "SISSY" was Banister's goal. And it looks like it worked. Who would NOT have wanted others to know of this relationship? Think about it.

Known as a notorious political extremist who was later described as the impetus for James Garrison’s 1967-1970 Kennedy assassination probe, Banister earlier became a brief focus of Mississippi's secret spy agency, the Sovereignty Commission, when it was suggested Banister should be hired to set up an 'even tighter' domestic spying system throughout the state.

It has also been suggested that this detective was used by the Mississippi Sovereignty Comission in several of Mississippi’s “affairs” including the near ambush of James Meredith when as the first black American he entered the segregated  University of Mississippi in the fall of 1962.

A second Eastland operative, private investigator John D. Sullivan of Vicksburg, suggested hiring Banister to the Commission just months after the JFK assassination, as reported in released Sovereignty Commission records.

Mississippi Detective 'Kills Himself' -- After Working For Guy Banister

Former FBI agent Sullivan had worked under Banister (both inside the FBI and privately) and as a private self-employed investigator who often did work for hire for the Commission as well as for the private white Citizens Councils, of which he was an active member; and for SISS, as had Banister and Lee Harvey Oswald.

When Sullivan reportedly committed suicide following the Kennedy assassination, Sovereignty Commission investigators tried to acquire his library and files, but most of his confidential files were either reportedly burned by his widow or they had been lent out, and she 'could not remember' who had them, Sovereignty Commission files disclose.

Sullivan died when he was cleaning his rifle while sitting on the edge of his bed. He accidentay shot himself in the groin and bled to death after a hunting accident. This happened in the same year that David Ferrie, a potential and important witness in the Garrison trial against Clay Shaw took place -- before the trial. A family member told me that he’d confided he was in over his head while working in New Orleans for Banister – and that he’d been talking to a local judge about what he knew that scared him. The judge is now deceased.

Some twenty-nine years later, in testimony before the Kennedy Assassination Records Review Board during a Dallas hearing on November 18, 1994, the late Senator Eastland was directly implicated in the president’s assassination by one of the author/theorists invited to testify.

Lee Harvey Oswald Worked For Senator James O. Eastland's Security Committee

Lee Harvey Oswald was quite possibly an agent of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and he was doing the bidding of [Sen. Thomas J.] Dodd and Eastland and Morrison, author John McLaughlin swore.

It’s a shame the University of Mississippi was given Eastland’s files, and that officials allowed a friend of Eastland to scrub these files clean before release to researchers.
Still, documentation that could support or even discredit such assertions could be present in the Eastland archives kept at the University of Mississippi, but until very recently no objective scholar was allowed to search these archives since the day they arrived on campus.

Instead, Eastland's records were managed for years by a former associate and devotee who followed the papers from Washington, D.C. to Oxford where he kept an office in the law school.

University of Mississippi Scrubs Eastland Records; Dean tosses FOIA into Waste Can

Finally in 2005, after my unsuccessful Freedom of Information Act or FOIA request to the dean of the law school,  a historian was hired to organize the archives based in the James O. Eastland School of Law at Ole Miss. But there was still be a lengthy waiting period before any of the files could be viewed.

The plan was to release first all press releases, according to one Ole Miss historian who also told me that many important files were probably missing -- that the files looked 'cleaned out'.

When I presented the Dean of the University of Mississippi School of Law (unofficially the James O. Eastland School of Law – they just never got brave enough to make this official), a freedom of information act request or FOIA for access to Eastland archives, he asked, while laughing, if he could “just show the rejection letter written to the last person who asked for this information."

Then he wadded up the FOIA and threw it ito his waste basket! Later, it came back to me that “people at Ole Miss were really angry” over the FOIA request.

Enter Wickliffe Draper, Eugenicist, Friend of Big Jim Eastland

All I can say is, it’s been quite a journey seeking the truth on what happened to President John F. Kennedy – and why. Plus -- I haven't even gotten started on what I think about Wickliffe Draper and his involvement -- I'm saving it for my book!

[1] “Banister, FBI Chief Since February, to Leave Post Nov. 30,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Nov 19, 1954, Part 2, Page 12.
[2] Citation for this newspaper article (“NOTP, March 23, 1956, p. 1”) comes from the online Jerry P. Shinley Archive “Re: Jim Garrison and the SCEF Raids.”
[3] William Davy, “Let Justice Be Done,” (Jordan Publication, May 12, 1999), 1. On the weekend of the assassination, Banister pistol-whipped his employee Jack Martin, after Martin accused him of killing Kennedy. Martin eventually spoke to authorities. [4] Sovereignty Commission documents SCR ID 7-0-8-89-1-1-1 and SCR ID 2-56-1-20-1-1-1.
[5] Sovereignty Commission documents SCR ID 99-36-0-2-1-1-1 SCR ID 1-16-1-21-1-1-1, SCR ID 1-26-0-5-2-1-1, SCR ID 2-2-0-19-1-1-1, SCR ID 1-24-0-11-1-1-1
[6] After the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, A. J. Weberman, a “Dylanologist,” “garbologist” and Kennedy conspiracist wrote that he received this communication from Sullivan's grandson, Jeremy Sullivan: "I was told that he committed suicide but my dad didn't think so. He told me there was an investigation and the FBI was involved. They deemed it suicide. The story I heard had changed depending on who told it, I believe that they had been out fishing all day and John Daniel had been drinking. After they got home, he was alone in his room and there was a gunshot, and he was found dead." Also, Weberman stated that Jim Garrison had an undisclosed case against Sullivan in 1961. Per a “Memo for the Director” by Betsy Palmer on April 19, 1978, regarding the “HSCA.” From A.J. Ajweberman and Michael Canfield, “Coup D'Etat in America, The CIA and the Assassination of John Kennedy,” (New York City, The Third Press, 1975) Nodule II.
[7] Online minutes of testimony before the Assassination Records Review Board, November 18, 1994. Dallas, Texas. Testimony of John McLaughlin aka John Bevilaqua, Harvard University graduate and systems analyst, also a Kennedy assassination theorist. McLaughlin was testifying why he needed to see documents from HUAC and SISS. He had also requested military records of Wycliff P. Draper, head of the Draper Committees and Pioneer Fund. Mississippi had been the benefactor of Draper money in its fight against the Civil Rights Act of 1965 and in funding of private white academies per Sovereignty Commission reports.
[8] Eastland’s name has also been associated with the murder of civil rights leaders Medgar Evers, Dr. Martin Luther King, U. S. Senator Robert Kennedy and with the mass murder at a U. S. Army base located in Mississippi of potentially 1,000 black soldiers during World War II.
[9] The former Eastland aid has since retired.

Sunday, March 24, 2013

New Information On Who Killed JFK; 50th Anniversary of Assassination


Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has joined the ranks of skeptics and “conspiracy theorists” who believe that a lone gunman was not solely responsible for the assassination of his uncle, President John F. Kennedy. Kennedy said his father, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, believed the Warren Commission Report was a “shoddy piece of craftsmanship”
“The evidence at this point I think is very, very convincing that it was not a lone gunman,” he said, but he did not elaborate on what he believed may have happened.
John F. Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, while riding in a motorcade through Dallas.
Robert F. Kennedy, while celebrating his victory in the California Democratic presidential primary, was shot and killed on June 5, 1968, at a Los Angeles hotel. He was supposedly the victim of another “lone nut.”
RFK’s assassination and the circumstances surrounding it have spawned almost as many conspiracy theories as his brother’s murder five years earlier.
And RFK Jr.’s remarks, coming early in a year that will mark the 50th anniversary of JFK’s assassination, will no doubt provide rhetorical fodder for the legions of critics of the Warren Commission Report.
That report concluded that the 35th president of the United States was hit from the rear by two of three shots fired by a deranged 24-year-old former Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald. According to the report, the first bullet hit JFK in the back, exited through his neck, and went on to inflict multiple injuries on Texas Governor John Connally. The second bullet missed the presidential limousine, ricocheted off the curb and grazed a bystander. The third bullet hit the president in the head, killing him.
What has made many question the Warren Commission’s credibility is the fact that it was largely controlled by former CIA director Allen Dulles. President Kennedy had ousted Dulles as director of the CIA in 1961, after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion. Kennedy had also reportedly voiced his intention “to splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.”
From the moment of its release in 1964, the Warren Report became a target of criticism, owing largely to such difficulties as its “single-bullet theory,” which appeared to twist the laws of physics.
As Mark Lane, a pioneer in JFK assassination research, noted, “The only way you can believe the Report is not to have read it.”
Another reason to doubt the report’s conclusions is Oswald’s apparent connections to the U.S. intelligence community, an important detail not mentioned in the report’s 889 pages. After all, if Oswald was a low-level intelligence agent, as a large body of evidence suggests, is it reasonable to believe he was the “lone-nut” assassin of Warren Commission legend?
But even if Oswald was the gunman and was able to get off two miraculously accurate shots, he did not have the power to withdraw the police motorcycle escorts, or to order the Secret Service to stand down, or to alter the testimony of funeral-home staff who received the body. The Warren Commission never explained these systemic breakdowns that left the president vulnerable and the chain of evidence questionable.
And it should also be mentioned that a U.S. House of Representatives select committee concluded in 1978, after a two-year investigation, that JFK was probably a victim of an elaborate conspiracy (not a “lone nut).
Who could have been part of such a conspiracy?
Theories abound. Some finger the Mafia, while others blame rogue anti-Castro Cubans, or the CIA, or the FBI, or the Pentagon, or Asian drug lords, or eccentric Texas oil barons, or even then-vice-president Lyndon Johnson. Others have posited scenarios involving a combination of some or all of these groups.
The Kennedy administration had certainly ruffled a lot of feathers in its thousand days. Indeed, JFK’s apparent turn to peace may have been the reason why he was gunned down.
At first glance, JFK was an unlikely candidate for peacenik martyrdom.
In 1960, Kennedy campaigned to the right of Richard Nixon, warning of “a missile gap” that had left the nation vulnerable to a Russian nuclear attack.
He entered the White House a committed cold warrior, declaring the time to be an “hour of maximum danger” for freedom. America, he said, would “pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.” A primary beneficiary of the Kennedy administration was the military-industrial complex, as spending on both conventional and nuclear forces increased sharply from 1961 to 1963.
However, after clashing with his Joint Chiefs over a number of issues and witnessing the apparent treachery of the CIA regarding the Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy developed a mistrust of his national-security managers.
The Cuban Missile Crisis, which brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear war, had a profound effect on JFK, and he emerged from it a changed man, determined to end the Cold War peacefully.
In June 1963, JFK delivered a speech at American University in which he called for the total abolishment of nuclear weapons. A few months later, his administration signed the Limited Test Ban Treaty with the Soviets.
He also began having private correspondences with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, which enraged the CIA, and he was seeking a rapprochement with Cuba’s dictator Fidel Castro, which further incensed the agency.
But perhaps his National Security Action Memorandum 263 calling for the total withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam by the end of 1965 was the final straw for the national security state.
That order, if implemented, would have disrupted many “national-security” operations that had been going on in Southeast Asia since the end of the Second World War. Interestingly, just days after JFK’s death, Lyndon Johnson signed National Security Action Memorandum 273 reversing JFK’s withdrawal plan. The rest, as they say, is history.
  • This post was written by:
    Tim Kelly is a columnist and policy advisor at The Future of Freedom Foundation in Fairfax, Virginia, a correspondent for Radio America’s Special Investigator, and a political cartoonist.

    Saturday, March 16, 2013

    Civil Rights Announcement: We All Be Radio Show Is Back!

     W.E. A.L.L. B.E. Radio Is B(l)ack!!!

    This is W.E. A.L.L. B.E. Radio's first show since January 2012 so help us celebrate by participating!!!

    Date: Sunday March 17, 2013


    4pm Eastern/3pm Central/1pm Pacific

     This is a 2 hour show/discussion

    Listen Live!!!

    Online link to the show:


    The call in Phone Number: (724) 444-7444
    Call ID: 125369 #


    1.) Cleo Manago

    Social Architect & Same Gender Loving Activist 
      & founder of 2 national organizations: 
    AmASSI Health and Cultural Centers

    Black Men's Xchange

    The nation's oldest and largest community-based movement devoted to promoting healthy self-concept and behavior among same gender loving (SGL), gay-identifying and bisexual African-descended males.

    Cleo Manago: The Most Dangerous Black Gay Man?

    Sunday, March 10, 2013

    Where In The World is Hunter Gray (John Salter)?

    A special post by Hunter Gray ...
    3:45 PM (6 hours ago)

    Posted widely. I have always believed in hitting issues openly.

    I posted the following piece, On Being A Militant And Radical Organizer -- And An Effective One, almost four months ago.  It's increasingly obvious that, at the events commemorating the 50th Anniversary of the great Jackson Movement, I will be "the man who isn't there."  No meaningful invitation focused on that Movement and its full sweep has come to me from any quarter in that Jackson setting. No surprise. The sentiments expressed by me in my aforementioned Organizer piece continue to stand in total -- and very strongly so.

    But my book, Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism, can and will represent me very well indeed at Jackson and elsewhere.

    We have picked up indications of a surreptitious and defamatory "whispering campaign" in certain Jackson, Mississippi circles directed against me personally -- including even some hostile radical-baiting!  Well, I was a member for some years of the old-time Industrial Workers of the World (IWW Wobblies) -- and I'm a life long supporter of militant industrial unionism, and left democratic socialism with libertarian trimmings. Usually non-violent in the tactical sense, the IWW was once described in semi-jocular/semi-serious fashion as a "cross between Henry David Thoreau and Wyatt Earp."  In any event, there's never been any secret about any social justice doings of mine.
    In addition, my book, Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism, (now newly out via the University Press of Nebraska, and with a very substantive -- 10,000 word -- new introduction by me), has been the target of the same hostile whispering campaign.  Its quite sound quality is attested by many very positive reviews from its earlier incarnations, among them, the Journal of Mississippi History, Social Forces, The Journal of Southern History, UMOJA -- A Scholarly Journal of Black Studies, Socialist Monthly Changes, Monthly Review Press, Social Development Issues, Sojourners.  You can see these and others via our website book link -- -- and some via University of Nebraska Press,674910.aspx  There are other solid reviews of JM at Amazon.  It's a 272 page paperback, and it won't cost you an arm and a leg.

    I pull no punches. There's no pussy-footing. My book provides a very candid, detailed and insider's view of the rise and development of the Jackson Boycott Movement/Jackson Movement of 1962-63 at every step -- AND what very sadly and tragically happened to it.  One reviewer referred very favorably to my "demythologizing impulse." 

    You won't find my book at the Lemuria Bookstore in Jackson.  But Square Books at Oxford does carry it.

    If so inclined, you can help immensely by forwarding this entire message widely indeed -- to the very Four Directions.  And I am quite certain that any purchaser of my book will find it and its lessons aplenty extremely interesting and most worthwhile.


    If you're a militant and radical organizer -- and an effective one who is strong on both tangible grassroots gains and a worthy long range vision of a better world over the mountains yonder -- you do your thing and move on to the next social justice crucible.  As you go along, you are remembered fondly and well for a good while by the people for and with whom you've earlier worked. The power structure, of course, will "never forgive and never forget".  But, as time passes and those grassroots people and friends fade from the scene, and if -- if -- you continue as a militant and radical activist, you aren't going to be broadly welcome in your earlier battlefields by very many of the newly arrived contemporary people. This is certainly true if you're an independent rebel.  And all of this is especially true if you're an "outside agitator" who came from afar.

    Quite often, in contrast to the openly repressive and brutal and blatantly defamatory Old Guard of yore, contemporary enemies in the old combat fields tend to be covert and surreptitious, frequently hypocritical, and of notably limited courage.

    If you morph, as time passes, into a kind of respectable and non-challenging brand of "liberal," well -- you might be brought back to various old battlefields to talk superficially about the old days of struggle.

    A conventional academic who writes about the old civil rights wars and, as many academics do, does so cautiously, may be welcome.  And that person might even get an award of some kind.

    What brings all of this to my mind is the fact that, in the 50th anniversary of the great Jackson, Mississippi Movement, no one has asked me to return to discuss the movement of which I was the basic and principal organizer, working with a growing number of young people in our NAACP Youth Council and Tougaloo College. I was their Adult Advisor. They were valiantly involved in developing that worthy struggle and, in doing so, running great risks.  The State of Mississippi is helping fund and organize a number of celebrations -- climaxing in June 2013 -- -- focused mostly on NAACP Field Secretary Medgar W. Evers who was murdered in the course of the massive campaign. Planning for these has been underway for months and agendas are relatively fixed. I learned this belatedly. Somewhere in the mix of motives for these events, and there are certainly some strains of altruism, may be the wish to somehow assuage the collective guilt for a very long and sanguinary and hideously racist past -- and the raw brutality of a garrison police state.  OK -- and redemption can occur in the context of honest admission and tangible and significant redress. 

    Medgar, a good friend and colleague who I knew well, would likely be the  first person to disclaim sainthood. And many things -- including the Jackson Airport and a college in Brooklyn, N.Y. as well as a U.S. Naval ship -- have been named for him.  I would be among the very last to deny honorable and courageous Medgar any honors of any kind. But it's very clear that any discussion of the Movement itself, and the depth of the cruel and repressive realities of Mississippi that really weren't that long ago, will very likely be handled gingerly and, if mentioned much at all, in very sanitized fashion.

    Am I surprised, shattered by this omission of any meaningful invitation?  Not at all.  In the half century that has elapsed since the rise and climax of the Jackson Movement, I have not received one invitation to come there and speak at length. (I have given several impromptu talks when down there over the years.)  In 1979, I was asked to come to Jackson, expenses paid, for a relatively small part on a panel at a large civil rights retrospective.  I came, with about fifty copies of a 35 page (single spaced) paper on the Jackson Movement, and broadened my small space of time into a short but trenchant speech which, with reference to the National Office of the NAACP and the deepening shadow of the Kennedy administration back then, I concluded  with a denunciation of "the subversion by the corporate liberals of New York and the self-styled "pragmatism" of those splendid scoundrels residing in Camelot on the Potomac." That drew a thundering and standing ovation from about one thousand people.

    I know, personally and experientially, a great deal about what happened Movement-wise in those critical years of 1961-63 in Mississippi's capital.  I'm one of the very, very few persons who does -- and  one of a now tiny number who know the innards. (I was chair of the Jackson Movement's Strategy Committee.)   In fact, I wrote a book -- Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism -- devoted mainly to an inside view of the Jackson Movement -- the only detailed account of the massive struggle and likely the most detailed book about any local grassroots movement of the '60s. It pulls no punches.  It was very well received when it appeared in 1979 -- especially by those grassroots people in Jackson who actually participated in that crusade and/or who knew first hand what had happened.  Outside of Mississippi, it was well received broadly -- drawing a large number of most positive reviews. (It was reissued late in 2011 by the University of Nebraska Press in expanded form with a new and  substantial introduction by myself.)

    As Jim Loewen, a sociologist and professor and writer, very familiar indeed with Mississippi recently wrote:

    "Classic account . . .Jackson, Mississippi presents a vivid insider's view of the Jackson boycott movement, the demonstrations that led to mass arrests, the actions of courageous young people, and the murder of Medgar Evers and the incredible tension of his funeral march.  As you would expect, given that Salter was and is a sociologist and a radical, it also contains penetrating analyses of the role of each acting group, including the national office of the NAACP, black ministers, the city government and police force, White Citizens Council, etc. And it shows the important role played by Tougaloo, some of its students and faculty members (including Prof. Salter), and its president, A. D. Beittel."

    Despite the extremely repressive odds, we all -- and I emphasize all -- accomplished a great deal in the sanguinary travail of the Jackson Movement of 1962-63.  That stands forever as a shining mountain.

    When you're done with your work in a particular setting, you can justifiably look back for awhile, garner lessons and secure appreciation.  But it's dangerous to your life's organizing mission to look back too long and too much. Time-lock can be deadly  to critically needed activism. There have been many campaigns for me after Jackson -- some large, some smaller, all of them important to people of the fewest alternatives.  A truly effective organizer rides over the mountains and crosses the rivers into new horizons of meaningful struggle.  That's the true joy, the ultimate satisfaction, and the great and enduring lure.

    (This piece is also found on the Our Thoughts section of Civil Rights Movement Veterans.)



    Abenaki/St. Regis Mohawk
    Member, National Writers Union AFL-CIO
    (much social justice material)

    I have always lived and worked in the Borderlands.

    ORGANIZER -- AND AN EFFECTIVE ONE (Mississippi et al.):

    The Stormy Adoption of an Indian Child [My Father]:
    (Expanded in Fall 2012. Photos. Material on our Native

    See the new and expanded/updated edition of my very well-reviewed
    "Organizer's Book" -- the inside story of the massive Jackson
    Mississippi Movement, the murder of Medgar Evers, and more.
    And with my new and very substantial introduction: