News, articles, reviews, announcements of civil rights, social justice (people and places): Emmett Till, Jena 6, MLK, civil rights, human rights, Mississippi Delta, Deep South and more
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Mugabe: Villain or Hero?
Filmmaker Roy Agyemang is granted unprecedented access to President Robert Mugabe and provocatively questions whether the Zimbabwean leader is the demon that the western media portrays.
Awarded the ‘Special Recognition Jury Award’ at the Pan African Film Festival
At 89 years of age, Robert Mugabe is the second oldest head of State. He is one of the worlds longest-serving yet most reviled leaders. He has ruled Zimbabwe since Independence 1980.
In June 2013 Mugabe will contest what many people consider his last election.
Is there more to Robert Mugabe and Zimbabwe than is being shown on our television screens? What’s the true extent of Mugabe’s support inside Zimbabwe? What has happened to the country that they all called the bread basket of Africa – and why?
These questions and more led British born Ghanaian filmmaker, Roy Agyemang, on a journey to Zimbabwe to make a documentary about President Robert Mugabe. What started out as a three-month mission turned into three life-changing years, culminating in unprecedented access and a rare interview with the controversial leader.
Filmed between 2007 and 2010, Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is an epic personal journey, narrated by Roy Agyemang who, together with his UK-based Zimbabwean fixer, Garikayi Mushambadope, found themselves in Mugabe’s entourage, on Colonel Gaddafi’s private jet and around a host of prominent African leaders.
At a time when western media was banned in the country, Agyemang and Mushambadope worked their way through the corridors of power, probing the cultural, economical and historical factors at the heart of the “Zimbabwean crisis”.
In his directorial debut Roy Agyemang draws on a wealth of news footage, including Bob Marley’s historic appearance at Independence celebrations in 1980. Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is a highly accessible, personal and often amusing film in which Agyemang explores the relationship between African leaders and the West, in the fight for African minerals and land. In contrast to the usual picture of the dictator we are used to seeing on our television screens amidst scenes of violence, Mugabe: Villain or Hero? is a revealing portrait of the man who was knighted by John Major and honoured with doctorates by the west.
For more information on film please visit the official website:
"On the assassination of John F. Kennedy? The American media failed us. They were compromised, frightened, incompetent, greedy (pick one or all) and still fight to keep us from learning the truth -- because they screwed up. Check out what journalists around the world have reported over the years. Only American journalists keep pumping up the Oswald lone nut story. I think they've simply given up on digging up the facts and telling the story. Citizens will find truth when listening to people like Mark Lane. ('Anyone who believes the Warren Commission, hasn't read the report.' Mark Lane, attorney and my hero)." Susan Klopfer, author (The Plan: A Novel. Set for release: May 2013) By Susan Klopfer Author, The Plan
On Friday November 22, 1963, news bulletins hit the
airwaves as rifle shots interrupted President John F. Kennedy's Dallas
motorcade. While conspiracy theorists and others have kept the debate alive
over what happened fifty years ago, who was involved, and why, no one ever
mentions Mississippi's links.
As a journalist and writer, I became even more
intrigued with the JFK assassination when coming across information linking a
Mississippi icon to several people often associated with the tragic event.
Seven years before JFK was assassinated, the magnolia
state's Sen. James O. Eastland met for the first time with Guy Banister, a
controversial CIA operative and retired FBI agent in charge of the Chicago
bureau.
"Banister was later linked to Lee Harvey Oswald
and Mississippi's senator through involvement with Eastland's Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee or SISS (sometimes called "SISSY").
I bumped into this strange fact when doing research
for my books Where Rebels Roost, Mississippi
Civil Rights Revisited, Who Killed Emmett Till? and The Emmett Till Book.
Mississippi
and JFK’s assassination?
The "New Orleans Times-Picayune" on March
23, 1956, reported that Robert Morrison, a former chief counsel for Sen. Joseph
McCarthy's House Unamerican Activities Committee or HUAC, and Banister traveled
to Greenwood, Mississippi, to confer personally with Senator Eastland for more
than three hours.
Describing the conference as "completely
satisfactory," Morrison told the reporter that "Mr. Banister has complete
liaison with the committee's staff which was the main object of our trip."
Apparently cozying up to Eastland and
"SISSY" was Banister's goal. And it looks like it worked. Who would
NOT have wanted others to know of this relationship? Think about it.
Known as a notorious political extremist who was later
described as the impetus for James Garrison’s 1967-1970 Kennedy assassination
probe, Banister earlier became a brief focus of Mississippi's secret spy
agency, the Sovereignty Commission, when it was suggested Banister should be
hired to set up an 'even tighter' domestic spying system throughout the state.
It has also been suggested that this detective was used
by the Mississippi Sovereignty Comission in several of Mississippi’s “affairs”
including the near ambush of James Meredith when as the first black American he
entered the segregated University of
Mississippi in the fall of 1962.
A second Eastland operative, private investigator John
D. Sullivan of Vicksburg, suggested hiring Banister to the Commission just
months after the JFK assassination, as reported in released Sovereignty Commission
records.
Mississippi Detective 'Kills Himself' -- After Working For Guy Banister
Former FBI agent Sullivan had worked under Banister
(both inside the FBI and privately) and as a private self-employed investigator
who often did work for hire for the Commission as well as for the private white
Citizens Councils, of which he was an active member; and for SISS, as had
Banister and Lee Harvey Oswald.
When Sullivan reportedly committed suicide following
the Kennedy assassination, Sovereignty Commission investigators tried to
acquire his library and files, but most of his confidential files were either
reportedly burned by his widow or they had been lent out, and she 'could not
remember' who had them, Sovereignty Commission files disclose.
Sullivan died when he was cleaning his rifle while
sitting on the edge of his bed. He accidentay shot himself in the groin and
bled to death after a hunting accident. This happened in the same year that David Ferrie, a potential and important witness in the Garrison trial against Clay Shaw took place -- before the trial. A family member told me that he’d confided he was in over his
head while working in New Orleans for Banister – and that he’d been talking to
a local judge about what he knew that scared him. The judge is now deceased.
Some twenty-nine years later, in testimony before the
Kennedy Assassination Records Review Board during a Dallas hearing on November
18, 1994, the late Senator Eastland was directly implicated in the president’s
assassination by one of the author/theorists invited to testify.
Lee Harvey Oswald Worked For Senator James O. Eastland's Security Committee
Lee Harvey Oswald was quite possibly an agent of the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and he was doing the bidding of [Sen.
Thomas J.] Dodd and Eastland and Morrison, author John McLaughlin swore.
It’s a shame the University of Mississippi was given
Eastland’s files, and that officials allowed a friend of Eastland to scrub
these files clean before release to researchers.
Still, documentation that could support or even
discredit such assertions could be present in the Eastland archives kept at the
University of Mississippi, but until very recently no objective scholar was allowed
to search these archives since the day they arrived on campus.
Instead, Eastland's records were managed for years by a
former associate and devotee who followed the papers from Washington, D.C. to
Oxford where he kept an office in the law school.
University of Mississippi Scrubs Eastland Records; Dean tosses FOIA into Waste Can
Finally in 2005, after my unsuccessful Freedom of
Information Act or FOIA request to the dean of the law school, a historian was hired to organize the archives
based in the James O. Eastland School of Law at Ole Miss. But there was still
be a lengthy waiting period before any of the files could be viewed.
The plan was to release first all press releases,
according to one Ole Miss historian who also told me that many important files
were probably missing -- that the files looked 'cleaned out'.
When I presented the Dean of the University of
Mississippi School of Law (unofficially the James O. Eastland School of Law –
they just never got brave enough to make this official), a freedom of
information act request or FOIA for access to Eastland archives, he asked,
while laughing, if he could “just show the rejection letter written to the last
person who asked for this information."
Then he wadded up the FOIA and threw it ito his waste
basket! Later, it came back to me that “people at Ole Miss were really angry”
over the FOIA request.
Enter Wickliffe Draper, Eugenicist, Friend of Big Jim Eastland
All I can say is, it’s been quite a journey seeking the
truth on what happened to President John F. Kennedy – and why. Plus -- I haven't even gotten started on what I think about Wickliffe Draper and his involvement -- I'm saving it for my book!
[1] “Banister, FBI Chief Since February, to Leave Post
Nov. 30,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Nov 19, 1954, Part 2, Page 12.
[2] Citation for this newspaper article (“NOTP, March
23, 1956, p. 1”) comes from the online Jerry P. Shinley Archive “Re: Jim
Garrison and the SCEF Raids.”
[3] William Davy, “Let Justice Be Done,” (Jordan
Publication, May 12, 1999), 1. On the weekend of the assassination, Banister
pistol-whipped his employee Jack Martin, after Martin accused him of killing
Kennedy. Martin eventually spoke to authorities. [4] Sovereignty Commission
documents SCR ID 7-0-8-89-1-1-1 and SCR ID 2-56-1-20-1-1-1.
[5] Sovereignty Commission documents SCR ID
99-36-0-2-1-1-1 SCR ID 1-16-1-21-1-1-1, SCR ID 1-26-0-5-2-1-1, SCR ID
2-2-0-19-1-1-1, SCR ID 1-24-0-11-1-1-1
[6] After the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, A. J. Weberman, a “Dylanologist,” “garbologist” and Kennedy
conspiracist wrote that he received this communication from Sullivan's
grandson, Jeremy Sullivan: "I was told that he committed suicide but my
dad didn't think so. He told me there was an investigation and the FBI was
involved. They deemed it suicide. The story I heard had changed depending on
who told it, I believe that they had been out fishing all day and John Daniel
had been drinking. After they got home, he was alone in his room and there was
a gunshot, and he was found dead." Also, Weberman stated that Jim Garrison
had an undisclosed case against Sullivan in 1961. Per a “Memo for the Director”
by Betsy Palmer on April 19, 1978, regarding the “HSCA.” From A.J. Ajweberman
and Michael Canfield, “Coup D'Etat in America, The CIA and the Assassination of
John Kennedy,” (New York City, The Third Press, 1975) Nodule II.
[7] Online minutes of testimony before the
Assassination Records Review Board, November 18, 1994. Dallas, Texas. Testimony
of John McLaughlin aka John Bevilaqua, Harvard University graduate and systems
analyst, also a Kennedy assassination theorist. McLaughlin was testifying why
he needed to see documents from HUAC and SISS. He had also requested military
records of Wycliff P. Draper, head of the Draper Committees and Pioneer Fund.
Mississippi had been the benefactor of Draper money in its fight against the
Civil Rights Act of 1965 and in funding of private white academies per Sovereignty
Commission reports.
[8] Eastland’s name has also been associated with the
murder of civil rights leaders Medgar Evers, Dr. Martin Luther King, U. S.
Senator Robert Kennedy and with the mass murder at a U. S. Army base located in
Mississippi of potentially 1,000 black soldiers during World War II.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has joined the ranks of skeptics and “conspiracy theorists” who believe that a lone gunman was not solely responsible for the assassination of his uncle, President John F. Kennedy. Kennedy said his father, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, believed the Warren Commission Report was a “shoddy piece of craftsmanship”
“The evidence at this point I think is very, very convincing that it was not a lone gunman,” he said, but he did not elaborate on what he believed may have happened.
John F. Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, while riding in a motorcade through Dallas.
Robert F. Kennedy, while celebrating his victory in the California Democratic presidential primary, was shot and killed on June 5, 1968, at a Los Angeles hotel. He was supposedly the victim of another “lone nut.”
RFK’s assassination and the circumstances surrounding it have spawned almost as many conspiracy theories as his brother’s murder five years earlier.
And RFK Jr.’s remarks, coming early in a year that will mark the 50th anniversary of JFK’s assassination, will no doubt provide rhetorical fodder for the legions of critics of the Warren Commission Report.
That report concluded that the 35th president of the United States was hit from the rear by two of three shots fired by a deranged 24-year-old former Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald. According to the report, the first bullet hit JFK in the back, exited through his neck, and went on to inflict multiple injuries on Texas Governor John Connally. The second bullet missed the presidential limousine, ricocheted off the curb and grazed a bystander. The third bullet hit the president in the head, killing him.
What has made many question the Warren Commission’s credibility is the fact that it was largely controlled by former CIA director Allen Dulles. President Kennedy had ousted Dulles as director of the CIA in 1961, after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion. Kennedy had also reportedly voiced his intention “to splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.”
From the moment of its release in 1964, the Warren Report became a target of criticism, owing largely to such difficulties as its “single-bullet theory,” which appeared to twist the laws of physics.
As Mark Lane, a pioneer in JFK assassination research, noted, “The only way you can believe the Report is not to have read it.”
Another reason to doubt the report’s conclusions is Oswald’s apparent connections to the U.S. intelligence community, an important detail not mentioned in the report’s 889 pages. After all, if Oswald was a low-level intelligence agent, as a large body of evidence suggests, is it reasonable to believe he was the “lone-nut” assassin of Warren Commission legend?
But even if Oswald was the gunman and was able to get off two miraculously accurate shots, he did not have the power to withdraw the police motorcycle escorts, or to order the Secret Service to stand down, or to alter the testimony of funeral-home staff who received the body. The Warren Commission never explained these systemic breakdowns that left the president vulnerable and the chain of evidence questionable.
And it should also be mentioned that a U.S. House of Representatives select committee concluded in 1978, after a two-year investigation, that JFK was probably a victim of an elaborate conspiracy (not a “lone nut).
Who could have been part of such a conspiracy?
Theories abound. Some finger the Mafia, while others blame rogue anti-Castro Cubans, or the CIA, or the FBI, or the Pentagon, or Asian drug lords, or eccentric Texas oil barons, or even then-vice-president Lyndon Johnson. Others have posited scenarios involving a combination of some or all of these groups.
The Kennedy administration had certainly ruffled a lot of feathers in its thousand days. Indeed, JFK’s apparent turn to peace may have been the reason why he was gunned down.
At first glance, JFK was an unlikely candidate for peacenik martyrdom.
In 1960, Kennedy campaigned to the right of Richard Nixon, warning of “a missile gap” that had left the nation vulnerable to a Russian nuclear attack.
He entered the White House a committed cold warrior, declaring the time to be an “hour of maximum danger” for freedom. America, he said, would “pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.” A primary beneficiary of the Kennedy administration was the military-industrial complex, as spending on both conventional and nuclear forces increased sharply from 1961 to 1963.
However, after clashing with his Joint Chiefs over a number of issues and witnessing the apparent treachery of the CIA regarding the Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy developed a mistrust of his national-security managers.
The Cuban Missile Crisis, which brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear war, had a profound effect on JFK, and he emerged from it a changed man, determined to end the Cold War peacefully.
In June 1963, JFK delivered a speech at American University in which he called for the total abolishment of nuclear weapons. A few months later, his administration signed the Limited Test Ban Treaty with the Soviets.
He also began having private correspondences with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, which enraged the CIA, and he was seeking a rapprochement with Cuba’s dictator Fidel Castro, which further incensed the agency.
But perhaps his National Security Action Memorandum 263 calling for the total withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam by the end of 1965 was the final straw for the national security state.
That order, if implemented, would have disrupted many “national-security” operations that had been going on in Southeast Asia since the end of the Second World War. Interestingly, just days after JFK’s death, Lyndon Johnson signed National Security Action Memorandum 273 reversing JFK’s withdrawal plan. The rest, as they say, is history.
The nation's oldest and largest community-based movement devoted to promoting healthy self-concept and behavior among same gender loving (SGL), gay-identifying and bisexual African-descended males.
Posted widely. I have always believed in hitting issues openly.
I posted the following piece, On Being A Militant
And Radical Organizer -- And An Effective One, almost four
months ago. It's increasingly obvious that, at the events commemorating
the 50th Anniversary of the great Jackson Movement, I will be "the
man who isn't there." No meaningful invitation focused on that Movement
and its full sweep has come to me from any quarter in that Jackson
setting. No surprise. The sentiments expressed by me in
my aforementioned Organizer piece continue to stand in
total -- and very strongly so.
But my book, Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle of
Struggle and Schism, can and will represent me very well indeed at Jackson
and elsewhere.
We have picked up indications of a surreptitious and
defamatory "whispering campaign" in certain
Jackson, Mississippi circles directed against me personally --
including even some hostile radical-baiting! Well, I was a member
for some years of the old-time Industrial Workers of the World (IWW
Wobblies) -- and I'm a life long supporter of militant industrial
unionism, and left democratic socialism with libertarian trimmings.
Usually non-violent in the tactical sense, the IWW was once described in
semi-jocular/semi-serious fashion as a "cross between Henry David Thoreau
and Wyatt Earp." In any event, there's never been any
secret about any social justice doings of mine.
In addition, my book, Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle
of Struggle and Schism, (now newly out via the University Press of
Nebraska, and with a very substantive -- 10,000 word -- new
introduction by me), has been the target of the same hostile whispering campaign.
Its quite sound quality is attested by many very positive reviews
from its earlier incarnations, among them, the Journal of Mississippi
History, Social Forces, The Journal of Southern History, UMOJA -- A Scholarly
Journal of Black Studies, Socialist Monthly Changes, Monthly Review Press,
Social Development Issues, Sojourners. You can see these and
others via our website book link --http://hunterbear.org/jackson.htm -- and
some via University of Nebraska Press http://www.nebraskapress.unl.edu/product/Jackson-Mississippi,674910.aspx
There are other solid reviews of JM at Amazon. It's a
272 page paperback, and it won't cost you an arm and a leg.
I pull no punches. There's no pussy-footing. My book provides a
very candid, detailed and insider's view of the rise and development of
the Jackson Boycott Movement/Jackson Movement of 1962-63 at every
step -- AND what very sadly and tragically happened to it.
One reviewer referred very favorably to my "demythologizing
impulse."
You won't find my book at the Lemuria Bookstore in Jackson.
But Square Books at Oxford does carry it.
If so inclined, you can help immensely by forwarding this
entire message widely indeed -- to the very Four Directions. And I
am quite certain that any purchaser of my book will find it and its lessons
aplenty extremely interesting and most worthwhile.
ON BEING A MILITANT AND RADICAL ORGANIZER -- AND AN EFFECTIVE ONE
(HUNTER GRAY/JOHN OR. SALTER, JR. (NOVEMBER 25, 2012)
If you're a militant and radical organizer -- and an effective one who is
strong on both tangible grassroots gains and a worthy long range vision of
a better world over the mountains yonder -- you do your thing and move on
to the next social justice crucible. As you go along, you are
remembered fondly and well for a good while by the people for and with whom
you've earlier worked. The power structure, of course, will
"never forgive and never forget". But, as time passes and those
grassroots people and friends fade from the scene, and if -- if
-- you continue as a militant and radical activist, you aren't going to be
broadly welcome in your earlier battlefields by very many
of the newly arrived contemporary people. This is certainly true
if you're an independent rebel. And all of this is especially true if
you're an "outside agitator" who came from afar.
Quite often, in contrast to the openly repressive and brutal and
blatantly defamatory Old Guard of yore, contemporary enemies in the old
combat fields tend to be covert and surreptitious, frequently
hypocritical, and of notably limited courage.
If you morph, as time passes, into a kind of respectable and
non-challenging brand of "liberal," well -- you might be brought
back to various old battlefields to talk superficially about the old
days of struggle.
A conventional academic who writes about the old civil
rights wars and, as many academics do, does so cautiously, may
be welcome. And that person might even get an award of some kind.
What brings all of this to my mind is the fact that, in the 50th anniversary
of the great Jackson, Mississippi Movement, no one has asked me to return to
discuss the movement of which I was the basic and
principal organizer, working with a growing number of young
people in our NAACP Youth Council and Tougaloo College. I was their
Adult Advisor. They were valiantly involved in developing that worthy
struggle and, in doing so, running great risks. The State of
Mississippi is helping fund and organize a number of
celebrations -- climaxing in June 2013 -- -- focused
mostly on NAACP Field Secretary Medgar W. Evers who was
murdered in the course of the massive campaign. Planning for these has
been underway for months and agendas are relatively fixed. I learned this
belatedly. Somewhere in the mix of motives for these events, and there are
certainly some strains of altruism, may be the wish to
somehow assuage the collective guilt for a very long and sanguinary and
hideously racist past -- and the raw brutality of a garrison police
state. OK -- and redemption can occur in the context of honest
admission and tangible and significant redress.
Medgar, a good friend and colleague who I knew well, would
likely be the first person to disclaim sainthood. And many things --
including the Jackson Airport and a college in Brooklyn, N.Y. as well as a U.S.
Naval ship -- have been named for him. I would be among the very
last to deny honorable and courageous Medgar any honors of any
kind. But it's very clear that any discussion of the Movement itself, and
the depth of the cruel and repressive realities of Mississippi that really
weren't that long ago, will very likely be handled gingerly and, if
mentioned much at all, in very sanitized fashion.
Am I surprised, shattered by this omission of any meaningful
invitation? Not at all. In the half century that has elapsed since
the rise and climax of the Jackson Movement, I have not received one invitation
to come there and speak at length. (I have given several impromptu talks when
down there over the years.) In 1979, I was asked to come to Jackson,
expenses paid, for a relatively small part on a panel at a large civil rights
retrospective. I came, with about fifty copies of a 35 page (single
spaced) paper on the Jackson Movement, and broadened my small space
of time into a short but trenchant speech which, with reference to
the National Office of the NAACP and the deepening shadow of the Kennedy
administration back then, I concluded with a denunciation of "the
subversion by the corporate liberals of New York and the self-styled
"pragmatism" of those splendid scoundrels residing in Camelot on the
Potomac." That drew a thundering and standing ovation from about
one thousand people.
I know, personally and experientially, a great deal about what
happened Movement-wise in those critical years of 1961-63 in Mississippi's
capital. I'm one of the very, very few persons who does --
and one of a now tiny number who know the innards. (I was chair
of the Jackson Movement's Strategy Committee.) In fact, I wrote a
book -- Jackson Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and
Schism -- devoted mainly to an inside view of the Jackson
Movement -- the only detailed account of the massive struggle and likely the
most detailed book about any local grassroots movement of the '60s. It
pulls no punches. It was very well received when it appeared in 1979
-- especially by those grassroots people in Jackson who actually
participated in that crusade and/or who knew first hand what had
happened. Outside of Mississippi, it was well received broadly -- drawing
a large number of most positive reviews. (It was reissued late in 2011 by the
University of Nebraska Press in expanded form with a new and
substantial introduction by myself.)
As Jim Loewen, a sociologist and professor and writer, very familiar
indeed with Mississippi recently wrote:
"Classic account . . .Jackson, Mississippi presents a
vivid insider's view of the Jackson boycott movement, the demonstrations that
led to mass arrests, the actions of courageous young people, and the murder of
Medgar Evers and the incredible tension of his funeral march. As you
would expect, given that Salter was and is a sociologist and a radical, it also
contains penetrating analyses of the role of each acting group, including the
national office of the NAACP, black ministers, the city government and police
force, White Citizens Council, etc. And it shows the important role played by
Tougaloo, some of its students and faculty members (including Prof. Salter),
and its president, A. D. Beittel."
Despite the extremely repressive odds, we all -- and I emphasize all --
accomplished a great deal in the sanguinary travail of the Jackson Movement of
1962-63. That stands forever as a shining mountain.
When you're done with your work in a particular setting, you can
justifiably look back for awhile, garner lessons and secure
appreciation. But it's dangerous to your life's organizing mission to
look back too long and too much. Time-lock can be deadly to
critically needed activism. There have been many campaigns for me
after Jackson -- some large, some smaller, all of them important to people
of the fewest alternatives. A truly effective organizer rides over the
mountains and crosses the rivers into new horizons of meaningful struggle.
That's the true joy, the ultimate satisfaction, and the great and
enduring lure.
(This piece is also found on the Our Thoughts section of Civil Rights
Movement Veterans.)
IN THE MOUNTAINS OF EASTERN IDAHO
HUNTER GRAY (HUNTER BEAR)
HUNTER GRAY [HUNTER BEAR/JOHN R SALTER JR] Mi'kmaq /St. Francis
Abenaki/St. Regis Mohawk
Member, National Writers Union AFL-CIO www.hunterbear.org
(much social justice material)
I have always lived and worked in the Borderlands.
See the new and expanded/updated edition of my very well-reviewed
"Organizer's Book" -- the inside story of the massive Jackson
Mississippi Movement, the murder of Medgar Evers, and more.
And with my new and very substantial introduction: http://hunterbear.org/jackson.htm
